But already in the last ten years, the culture of protest and activism was growing and the Egyptian left[1] – in cooperation with other pro-democracy political forces – has played a vital role in creating and sustaining it. It was this last decade that has paved the way for the January 25 Revolution; through protests, strikes, and sit-ins of the labour movement and pro-democracy political forces. The goals of this revolution are leaning towards leftist politics. Social justice – a main feature of the political left – has been one of the revolution’s main demands and although inherently a leftist demand, it has been taken up by the entire political spectrum.

Egypt has a long leftist tradition and, hypothetically speaking, leftist parties and movements have a big chance in winning a big number of sympathisers who do not identify themselves as leftists per se, but who have made demands that are hallmarks of leftist politics. Keeping in mind that the Egyptian left has experienced decades of oppression at the hands of former President Hosni Mubarak and his predecessors, Anwar as-Sadat and Gamal Abdul Nasser; now that the political scene is open for all, how will the left perform? Can it overcome its own internal challenges? Can it stand strong and face the growing power of the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) and counter-revolutionary forces and form successful alliances with pro-democracy organisations and currents? Will it succeed in gaining grassroots support and a strong base capable of supporting it in its struggle against crony capitalism and imperialist domination of Egypt which were at the core of Mubarak’s regime?

Egyptian Leftist Political Parties

During Mubarak’s era and long before, the National Progressive Unionist Party (NPUP) aka Tagammu was the only official leftist party in Egypt. It was established in 1976 and included all the leftist currents (socialists, communists, Arab nationalists and Nasserites). However, internal divisions between Nasserites and Marxists have existed since the beginning.

The Tagammu party was heavily criticised for its leadership’s proximity to Mubarak’s regime, especially during the last fraudulent 2010 parliamentary elections. As a consequence, in March 2011, 73 members of its central committee resigned from the party due to the above mentioned reasons and due to the position of the party’s president, Refaat Al-Saaed, with regards to the revolution and his refusal to support the popular movement. The 73 resigned after a failed no-confidence vote against Al-Saeed. Members had decided that should they succeed in passing the motion, they will remain in Tagammu and contribute to its development, but now they have joined forces in establishing new leftist parties.

Although Tagammu has lost its niche as the left’s sole legal representative; it still has amongst its ranks some of the members of the communist current. With the Egyptian Communist Party (ECP) being outlawed in the past, a big number of communists have joined the Tagammu and worked through it, and many

have decided to remain there, even though the Communist Party has been able to return to the public sphere after the start of the revolution. The (ECP) has been established in 1921 and is one of the oldest political parties of Egypt. Its leaders claim that following the revolution their membership has increased[1]. The party is currently aiming to fulfil the requirements made by the new political parties’ law to achieve official registration but it does not aim to obtain seats in the next parliamentary elections on its own.

There are three new leftist parties: the Egyptian Socialist Party (Arabic: al-Hizb al-Ishtiraki al Misri), the Workers' Democratic Party (Arabic: Hizb al-‘Umal al-Dimukrati), and the Socialist Popular Alliance Party (Arabic: Hizb al-Tahalof al-Sha’abi al-Ishtiraki).

The Egyptian Socialist Party (ESP) membership includes a number of the major leading figures from the 1970’s Egyptian political scene, for example Ahmed Bahaa Shaaban and Karima El Hefnawy. Their ideology is socialist democracy, and they work for political and economic freedom with social justice. The party is formed of both Marxists and non-Marxists and claims to have a youth base.

The most radical party of the three newly established leftist parties is the Workers’ Democratic Party (WDP). The WDP is the first workers' party in Egypt and was founded by workers and social labour activists like Kamal Khalil, Alaa Awad, Khaled Abdel Hady, Hesham Fouad, Aida Seif El Dawla, Hossam el Hamalawy and more who are all very well known socialist activists. Some of those members were part of the Revolutionary Socialists[2], others were independent activists. The party is open for all waged workers, blue and white collar, the unemployed or pensioners. The WDP calls for the re-nationalisation of a substantial part of the previously privatised industries, for radical agrarian reform, and aims to engage with the ongoing struggle for social justice, and to work closely with labour unions. This party has not achieved the number required to officially establish a party yet (5,000  with at least 300 members from 10 governorates). It should be made clear that although 5,000 members seem like a small number for a country with a population over 80 million; this is a restrictive measure in the little time available before the elections. Moreover, WDP is challenged by the new political parties’ law which stipulates that no party can be based on class affiliation. However, founder Kamal Khalil has declared in the press that the party is not interested in paper registration, but focuses on a strong social base in the street, the factories and other workplaces. The party has set the goal of recruiting 10,000 workers in the short-term; yet it has not pinned high hopes on playing an official role in the next parliamentary elections.

Last but not least, the Socialist Popular Alliance Party (SPA), in which members of many leftist organisations united to form a joint party. It was set up to serve as a platform for all leftist activists, organisations and the various leftist streams. The party includes former members of the Tagammu Party who splintered for the reasons mentioned earlier. The alliance also consists of members of the Socialist Renewal Current – a Trotskyite party –,Revolutionary Socialists, the democratic left, and other independent leftists. It is committed to the creation of a modern, civil Egypt that maintains the right of women, supports farmers, workers and youth. Improving health care and education is also at the top of the agenda. “This group has solid intellectual credentials, significant experience, and a sophisticated long-term strategy”[3]. Out of the most prominent founders are Abdel Ghafar Shokr, and Dr. Ibrahim El Essawy. The party is the only leftist party after the revolution that has managed to obtain the required members’ number for registration but has not obtained the approval yet and is preparing for the upcoming parliamentary elections.

Some criticise Egyptian leftist parties for being out of touch with the communities, limiting their efforts to long term plans and empty grand slogans at the expense of a short-term vision with practical consequences. The subsequent loss of the social base is partially caused by decades of repression and smear-campaigns against the left that negatively affected the left. Other reasons are of an internal nature that will be discussed later in this paper.

With regards to registering as political parties, the leftist ones lag behind all other Egyptian political forces (Islamists and liberals). This is explained by the financial burden[4] associated with obtaining this official status and with their failure in popular mobilisation. Leftist parties suffer a lack of funds (in comparison with Islamists and liberals) which negatively affects the parties’ media presence and the establishment of local representation in the different governorates and, subsequently, the attraction of new members.

It could be argued that the SPA is the most promising leftist party for both practical and ideological reasons. First, it is the party that has managed to secure the number of members required for the official registration and has attracted a big number of leading leftist thinkers, intellectuals and groups. Second, the party has a democratic, achievable project that people from different backgrounds can relate to. There is a need for a party with a radical political and economic project and not necessarily a socialist revolutionary one. The party is also serious in becoming part of the democratic process and wants to be actively engaged in the next parliamentary elections. There are ongoing calls of unifying and merging SPA and ESP; calls that are made on the basis of the proximity between both parties’ policies and ideologies. Whether this initiative will succeed or not remains unknown. However, it is crucial that leftist parties come together and join forces as their unity will not just make logistical and practical matters easier; but it will also give more credibility to the left in the Egyptian political scene. The existence of a big number of political parties for many people merely reflects pursuit of fame and power by the parties’ founders and a lack of seriousness with regards to their political project.

Alliances and Fronts

On 11 May 2011, the Front of Socialist Forces was formed following the sectarian events that took place during the first week of that month in Imbaba[5]. This coalition is made up of the Egyptian Socialist Party, the Workers Democratic Party, the Socialist Popular Alliance Party, the Egyptian Communist Party and the Workers’ Democratic Party. It aims to include under its umbrella other socialist movements in Egypt, which are considered fragmented and thus create a more dominant leftist force. It also acts as an alternative for the lack of a single, strong leftist party that comprises the entire Egyptian leftist spectrum. However, this is not the first attempt to create a united front[6]. Since its establishment, the Front of Socialist Forces hasn’t yet done much to prove its effectiveness.

Another attempt of the left to join forces, but this time with liberals, was seen on 14 August, when five liberal and four leftist parties (Tagammu, Socialist Popular Alliance, Communist Party, Socialist), alongside other political movements and workers/farmers federations formed the ‘Egyptian Bloc’. The bloc will run for the next parliamentary elections with a unified list and includes parties who all believe in working for an agenda of a civil state (as opposed to a religious one). The bloc was criticised for intensifying the polarisation in the society between secular vs Islamist, while this is not the real issue of the revolutionary struggle. In addition to that, there are some voices in the Egyptian left who think that it is shameful and against their principles to form an alliance with the liberals, but others claim that it would be impossible to have any impact in the next elections without joining forces with the liberals. The founding statement of the Egyptian Bloc states that it primarily seeks to establish equality and social justice among Egyptians and ensure their access to their fundamental rights to education, health insurance and adequate housing. The left thus should take the initiative in formulating those big statements in a programme with clear policies and in case consensus on this programme should prove impossible, then the alliance with the liberals should cease to exist.

This leftist coalition was constituted in opposition to the “Democratic Alliance for Egypt”, an Islamist-Liberal alliance. ‘The Democratic Alliance for Egypt’ was started up in June;  it includes 34 political parties, and is led by Al Wafd Party and the Muslim Brotherhood’s[7] Freedom and Justice Party.[8] Although Tagammu initially participated in the coalition, it later on left it because it did not take a stand with regards to the Salafist protests of 29 July that called for an Islamic state and for applying Sharia law[9]. Amr Al-Shoubaki, a renowned political scientist, stated that “The Egyptian Bloc is politically more cohesive [than the Democratic Alliance] in terms of having common goals and vision”. [10] It should also be noted that a third alliance called ‘The Middle Way’ was formed later by El Adl (Justice), a centre conservative party, that is still taking shape but will most probably not be successful[11].

It is clear already that these alliances will face big challenges without a unified ideology. They will have difficulty formulating a programme and deciding on the leading figures. In all cases, it is obvious that the next parliamentary elections will not result in a consolidated parliament due to the fragile nature of the different coalitions, the challenges imposed by the political parties’ law, and the lack of a stable environment for a smooth organisation of the elections. Moreover, a bigger challenge is imposed on all political forces, be it leftists, liberals or Islamists, due to the imposed polling system. The government proposed a mixed system of independents and closed electoral lists[12]. Most parties tend to favour the electoral lists system, but opt for the open and not the closed one[13]. This is a complex debate and beyond the scope of this paper. It should be made clear, though, that the danger to be avoided is a parliament that is anti-revolution and pro-military rule.

Trade Unions and the Labour Movement

On 5 August, the official Egyptian Trade Union Federation (ETUF)[14] was dismantled through the dissolution of its board after the court ruled that board elections had been fraudulent. This decision has been welcomed by most political forces, especially by the leftists who see the labour movement as central pillar in their fight for justice. ETUF was a heavily controlled state institution that served the interest of the comprador elite and the neoliberal state’s policies at the expenses of the state and the workers’ interests. Moreover, ETUF has been involved in attacking protestors during the early 18 days of the revolution at what became known as “the battle of the camels” in Tahrir square on 2 February, resulting in many casualties.

Hence, one of the most important achievements of the revolution is the formation of the Egyptian Independent Trade Union Federation (EITUF) which stands in opposition to the governmental federation with all its corruption. EITUF formation was announced on 31 January 2011 by independent unions and its founding congress was held on 20 July 2011. The Federation – like many newly formed organisations – faces many challenges, among which is the lack of an elected body to direct it and the feeling by many that it is monopolized by the founding organisations that are not transparent about funding and decision-making mechanisms. EITUF’s founding declaration calls for “a new fair minimum wage that guarantees a decent life for all workers” and a maximum wage set at no more than ten times the minimum.

Already before 25 January, there was a movement for independent unions that resulted in the formation of four independent unions: Real Estate Tax Employees, Health Technicians, Pensioners, and Teachers Unions. Those independent unions were deemed illegal by the government, because they were not part of the official federation. With the toppling of Mubarak, the formation of independent unions has mushroomed. However, these formations are, until today, technically governed by the trade union Act No. 35 of 1976 and its amendments[15]. The rights of the Egyptian workers to forming independent trade unions cannot be achieved without cancelling this law and its amendments and issuing a new law guaranteeing the freedom for labour organisation in Egypt.

In 2010 the minimum wage was set at 400 EGP (€50) per month, but as a result of the labour movement struggle, a court ruling, which has yet to become operational, increased it to 1,200 EGP (€150) a month. The current interim government raised the public sector minimum wage, but only to 700 EGP, or less than €90 per month and promised to raise it to 1,200 EGP over the next five years. Government critics estimate that the purchasing power of 1,200 EGP will be less than the current minimum wage in five years. It seems that the government is still favouring the interests of the business elite at the expense of the subservience of the working class. To date, unused ways to finance the minimum wage without putting a burden on the official budget are being explored. Progressive taxation schemes for capitalist income were announced, but have been withdrawn a week later, when the business elite flexed their muscles. Maximum wage promises have not been put into practise. The struggle of the political left against the interests of the symbols of capitalism in Egypt is the most serious fight, one that can only be successful with the backing of the workers and their unions. This is why the need for the law for independent unions assumes great importance, as they are the only possibility for workers to express their political will in an organised and effective manner in order to achieve what is in their best interest.

Challenges of the left

1.   Laws hindering the development of the left: political parties law, law banning protests and demonstrations

In March 2011, the cabinet approved a decreed law that criminalises strikes, protests, demonstrations and sit-ins that interrupt private or state owned businesses or affect the economy in any way. The law assigned severe punishment to those who call for or incite action, with the maximum sentence being one year imprisonment and fines of up to half a million Egyptian Pounds. The law is in effect since June and, subsequently, severe procedures were taken – on the same day – against protesting farmers sentencing them to paying a fine of 10,000 Pounds, a sentence that was reversed as a result of demonstrations. The main victims of this law have so far been the Egyptian workers some of whom have been sentenced to prison terms. Later on in September, the SCAF decided to reactivate the emergency law[16], following the 9 September protests at the Israeli embassy[17]. The law has been said to be only applicable to “acts of thuggery”, an unspecified term open to arbitrary interpretation, and has lead to anger among the revolutionary movements. Although this law’s enforcement is on an unconstitutional basis since according to the constitution, the state of emergency should not be extended to more than six months, except after a referendum[18].

2.   Foreign Intervention vs. Foreign Funding

There is a huge number of representatives of Western governments and institutions and foreign NGOs who all offer advice to the revolution’s continuation, to direct the Egyptian revolutionary project. This is very critical, because the amount of money that is poured into the country to “support democracy” is huge. This has created a massive debate on foreign funding and led to the demonization of all sorts of foreign funding, be it governmental or not. Thus, the left is put into a corner whereby its funds are limited in comparison with the foreign funding to Islamists and liberals and there are no internal financial resources of a relevant size that could fill this gap in the struggle for social justice[19].

3.   Internal Challenges

For many of the leftist movements who have grown in secrecy, the “security mentality” remains intact even after the revolution. This mentality harms the evolution of the left, as it creates many barriers that don’t have to exist anymore. Moreover, the left suffers from an arrogance problem with its focus on theories, ideologies and dogmas at the expense of being engaged with the societal realities and grassroots work.

Prior to the revolution, the leftist political parties were a disappointment to the leftist youth. The youth have grown impatient with the poor performance of the parties who, at times, acted as a decor to the former regime and at other times were simply incapable of keeping up with the ceiling of demands made by the young voices and rather settled for political reform. Moreover, there was a tendency to totally marginalise the youth from the decision making process, resulting in a feeling of total alienation and a withdrawal from the traditional means of political participation. For decades, the parties were very hierarchical with a centralized decision-making process. However, this is changing now as leftist parties like the SPA and WDP have young politicians at the forefront who are deeply involved in the decision-making process.

Therefore, leftist parties should overcome mistakes of the past and work in close coordination with the youth political movements. The young democratic formations are seen by some politicians as immature and in need of a leftist avant-garde to rely on. While the need for a leftist orientation is not in doubt, the achievements and the potential of the young formations should not be ignored. Many of the new youth groups and movements (despite not being very politicised and lacking clear political objectives) are left-leaning, meaning that they, without necessarily being anti capitalism and anti market economy, and without being necessarily aware of the needed conditions for social change; they reject the society in its status quo with its growing disparities between the societal classes. Thus, for the left to utilize its true potential, it must create channels of communication with those youth groups and work on integrating them into the political scene, avoiding paternalistic tendencies and working on the basis of respect.

While the left parties might not win an enormous amount of votes in the first post-Mubarak elections, they will constitute an influential force within the Egyptian political scene in the upcoming years. However, the challenge is not just imposed on leftists parties and movements; the challenge is on all pro-democracy forces, be it Islamists or liberals. Yet, what is central to the left is that the country is still run in a way that is only beneficial to remnants of the old regime and the business elites, and for this to be reversed, an enormous amount of work and coordination between different forces must take place.