Ratcheting Up the Pressure

The debates surrounding the tightening of refugee and migration policy in Germany are being followed with great concern by the Greek public. For various reasons, both the national-conservative government of Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis and human rights organizations are sounding the alarm that Germany’s repressive pivot will have serious consequences for Greece, a country on the frontlines of Europe’s war on migration.

Boris Kanzleiter, head of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation’s Athens Office, spoke to legal expert Maria Paraskeva about the possible consequences of the German government's policy for the situation on Europe's external borders.

The conservative head of the Greek government Kyriakos Mitsotakis has spoken out strongly against the new measures taken by the federal police to turn away migrants and refugees along Germany’s borders. What are the Greek government’s arguments?

The Greek government sent a message to Germany that it would not accept a disproportionate burden in relation to immigration. In particular, Kyriakos Mitsotakis argued that Greece has been at the forefront of migration for years, protecting European borders either with or without the EU’s (mainly financial) support. The failure of the EU Pact on Migration and Asylum to establish a fair and effective mandatory relocation mechanism would mean the continuation of securitization of the Greek borders.

Moreover, in a provocative statement, Mitsotakis indicated that Germany’s social policy created “the problem” by offering attractive benefits for migrants and “therefore it must solve it alone, without burdening the other EU member states”.

Refugees and rejected asylum seekers residing in Greece are excluded from most social benefits due to complex and lengthy procedures and structural discrimination.

It is not only the government that is arguing against the German policy — human rights organizations are also criticizing the measures. What do you fear for the situation for refugees in Greece?

Human rights organizations are also criticizing the measures, fearing that they will put more pressure on border procedures in Greece, as well as limiting the legal pathways to access asylum procedures, thus making the lives of asylum seekers more difficult and increasing prolonged detention and pushbacks. This increased responsibility of a first-entry country would result in further illegal expulsions and pushbacks in order to reduce the number of people that have to be processed with the border procedure.

Germany’s decision to abolish the Schengen Border code and to eventually send migrants and refugees back to Greece (as the first country of arrival) will lead to overcrowded Closed Controlled Access Centres (CCAC) on the islands at a time when CCAC fails to meet EU reception standards. Refugees and rejected asylum seekers residing in Greece are excluded from most social benefits due to complex and lengthy procedures and structural discrimination.

In your opinion, how do the German government’s new measures fit into the reform of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS), which was adopted by the EU in the spring?

Germany announced the temporary ordering of border controls at the Schengen internal borders. Simultaneously, Germany announced the acceleration of Dublin Regulation procedures in order to timely assess whether the person entering the country has already applied for asylum in another EU country. In such a case, this person could be sent back to the country of the first asylum application or first entry into the Schengen Area following negotiations with the country. These measures highlight the connection between the Schengen Area Code and the Dublin Regulation, both amended following lengthy negotiations that divided member states by the EU Pact of Migration and Asylum.

The Schengen area is a joint European area without internal borders, and was the reason for the establishment of a Common European Asylum System in order to regulate, harmonize, and coordinate the procedures within this area. Both the Schengen Code and the Dublin Regulation have been criticized and amended in the past.

During the pact’s negotiations, there was a well-established need to reform the Dublin Regulation. However, the long-awaited reforms of CEAS did little to establish a solidarity relocation mechanism and the burden remains on the first-entry member states, which continue to be responsible for the examination of asylum claims. Furthermore, the Schengen Code introduces the term ‘’serious threat to public safety’’, which must be applied as a last resort in exceptional situations.

Given that the Schengen Code allows member states to reintroduce border controls with only a notification to the member states and the Commission, concerns have been raised concerning the justification and proportionality of such measures. Yet the pact is “fragile”, and member states will present their implementation plans in June 2026. The risk of chain reactions following the temporary abolishment of Schengen from Germany, claiming some kind of security threat, could lead to the pact’s collapse. In such a case, it is a question whether the fall of one — Dublin — will likely entail a gradual fall of the other, namely Schengen.

Do you fear an end to the Schengen system, which has seen the gradual abolition of internal

I do not believe that Schengen is actually ending. The Schengen Borders Code allows member states to temporarily impose border controls as a measure of last resort in the case of a serious threat to public safety. The definition of “serious threat” has been proved quite problematic and it is a question of whether the abolition of Schengen in each case has been the last resort.

We need to understand and address public concerns in order to dispel the xenophobes’ migration myths and create more inclusive communities.

However, it is not the first time that Germany or other member states have temporary abolished free movement and introduced border checks for a six-month period. Most member states have jointed the free movement area, and in 2024, Bulgaria and Romania became the newest to join. The Schengen area is considered a necessity and member states would not end it so easily.

The public in Greece also reacted with concern to the rise of right-wing extremism and the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in the recent state elections in Saxony, Thuringia, and Brandenburg. How is the image of Germany changing in Greece?

Germany’s migration policy has gradually changed in the recent years, and this became clearer during the negotiations over the EU Pact on Asylum and Migration. The success of the AfD in several regional elections in September and the upcoming national elections next year exacerbated the developments. Although Germany’s stricter policy could be considered a political message in response to far-right, anti-immigration voters, it is quite worrying both for the migrant population and the principles of the EU.

Another serious concern is how other member states are going to react to Germany’s decision and whether they will follow Germany’s lead. The risk of chain reactions from other member states claiming some kind of security threats is even more alarming. Taking into consideration that over the years, Greece’s relation with Germany have been experiencing several ups and downs, this is not the best of times.

Right-wing extremism is also growing in Greece at the moment. Three right-wing extremist parties are represented in parliament and, according to opinion polls, would currently win a combined 17 percent of the vote. What is the mood among the population with regard to migrants and refugees?

Anti-immigrant sentiment within Greece has increased, without any effort by the competent authorities to address and prevent such phenomena that lead to the dehumanization and targeting of “others”, of refugees and migrants, of anyone that is different. We need to understand and address public concerns in order to dispel the xenophobes’ migration myths and create more inclusive communities. Thus, the reconstruction of the migration debate into a narrative of strength and resilience is an utmost need.

The Greek government also seems to fear a new wave of refugees.

In February, a majority of the European Parliament passed a resolution expressing “deep concern about the very serious threats to democracy, the rule of law and fundamental rights” in Greece. This affects migrants and refugees in particular. What is the status of the legal investigations into human rights violations by the Greek authorities, such as the coast guard and the police?

Greece has failed to guarantee independent and effective monitoring of violations of the human rights of refugees and migrants. Serious concerns have been raised regarding independence and impartiality, in line with European and international law standards. For that, along with the European Parliament resolution you mentioned, there are several other strategic litigation cases before domestic and EU courts, supported mainly by civil society organizations. One such case is the relatively recent Pylos shipwreck that caused a sensation throughout society.

All these litigation cases prove that the legal pathways are considered one-way due to the lack of effective and fair investigation by the Greek authorities. Yet, once more, this legal pathway has proven lengthy and complex, with some cases pending up to several years.

At the moment, the Middle East is facing a new refugee crisis. The destruction of the Gaza Strip by the Israeli army has made up to 2 million Palestinians homeless. According to estimations of the Lebanese government already more than 300,000 refugees from Syria, who were living in Lebanon, fled the country since Israel began targeting Beirut and southern Lebanon. Many more in Lebanon are internally displaced. What is the assessment of the situation in Greece? Is a new wave of refugees expected?

In an interview with Euronews, Ivo Freijsen, the UNHCR representative in Lebanon, said that the easiest option for those fleeing Israel’s advance in the country would be to go somewhere else within Lebanon or cross the border to Syria. “Otherwise, the options would be to go to Cyprus or Europe by boat”, he said. Freijsen highlighted that nowadays it is much more expensive, risky, logistically difficult, and less safe to choose Europe as a destination. However, many would still see it as an option despite the costs associated with it.

Along these lines, the Greek government also seems to fear a new wave of refugees. Thus, authorities are considering expanding the capacity of existing refugee facilities and strengthening the security of the borders. According to the newspaper Kathimerini, Greece’s National Security Council (KYSYEA) met on 2 October to discuss migration-related issues linked to the increased arrival of refugees, the threat of terrorism, and the evacuation of Greek citizens from Lebanon and Israel. It remains to be seen whether these fears will be confirmed and how the new pact is going to be implemented.