All over the world, the far right is gaining power — both in government and in society. This phenomenon has taken many by surprise. Those who believed that fascism was “a thing of the past” and that humanity had learned from its mistakes placed great trust in the “stability” of the political centre are now in a state of shock. However, after decades of neoliberalism and multi-faceted crises of capitalism, the global rise of neo-fascism should not come as a surprise. Rather, it is a violent and authoritarian symptom of the economic system we live in. A system that advances at the cost of impoverishing and exploiting the majority of the population, relying on repressive strategies that enable the maximization of profit and the expansion of power for local and global elites.
Lucas Reinehr is a project manager at the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation’s Latin America Unit in Berlin.
Discontent is visible everywhere in society. People are overworked, earn little, struggle with the exorbitant cost of living, and feel the consequences of increasingly precarious healthcare, education, and social infrastructure. In a world shaped by successive crises and a simultaneous lack of future prospects, the far right exploits public frustration with one strategy: offering simple answers to complex questions. When housing and medical appointments are scarce, migrants are blamed. Advocacy for women’s rights and the queer community are framed as a threat to the moral structure of society, endangering the “sacred” role of family and religion. And communism, embodied by the Left, re-emerges as a central enemy to be fought.
They create scapegoats in migrants, feminists, queer people, and other marginalized communities, and deliberately stoke fear. These tools are powerful in steering mass dissatisfaction and insecurity towards the right. The triad of “God, Fatherland, and Family” has become a cornerstone of reactionary political rhetoric in various countries and the “other” is framed as the enemy. Who are these others? Those who threaten the order, security, and values of the “nation”. Those who challenge the ideals of homeland, family, and religion.
Although they march in the same direction, the far right’s strategies vary depending on the local context. In Brazil, for example, evangelical groups play a key role in influencing voters. In the United States, Trump won the last election with his promise to “Make America Great Again”. In Europe, fear of migration dominates the collective imagination — right-wing parties offer seemingly clear-cut answers to this anxiety by demanding closed borders and deportations. In Argentina, Javier Milei seduced economic elites and a majority of the population suffering from inflation and recession with his anarcho-capitalist rhetoric of radical cuts, placing economic growth at the centre of politics without regard for collateral damage.
Despite these differences, two core commonalities repeat in the far right’s agenda: the glorification of authoritarianism in their programmes and speeches, and an economic policy that serves the elites while impoverishing the working class.
Understanding these strategies is the first step to counter them.
Antifascist Economics — And a Culture War, Too
It is undeniable that rising inequality, inflation, and the loss of social rights have led a portion of the working class to support the far right. Through demagogic speeches that propose fatuous solutions and appeal to “the people” as opposed to society, the far right — especially in Europe — is gaining influence. This leads to people who previously voted for left-wing parties to shift to the right.
The fight against fascism, however, cannot solely be limited to economic policy. As Juliano Medeiros, president of Brazil’s PSOL party, recently argued in an interview with the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, the neoliberal subjectivity, which has been reinforced over decades, must also be challenged.
Another world is possible — a world where people, not profits, are at the centre.
Neoliberalism has not only impoverished people but has also reshaped social values, promoting individualism, indifference, and personal responsibility for systemic problems. In Germany, the far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) preaches that everyone should live their life with “self-determination”. This twisted notion of freedom rejects the role of the state in social provision while simultaneously strengthening its role as a repressive apparatus. In the US and Brazil, the evangelical prosperity gospel promotes the idea that success or failure is entirely the individual’s responsibility.
Thus, the economic crisis is only part of the problem. Racism, xenophobia, and the blind defence of “white supremacy” may find fertile ground in material dissatisfaction — but these are ideas deeply rooted within systems of oppression that predate current crises. Recognizing this is crucial: effective antifascist politics must combine the fight for a fairer economic system with the construction of an antifascist culture that combats racist ideologies and promotes solidarity.
Freedom: A Controversial Value
On 2 December 2024, far-right politicians from around the world gathered in Madrid for the Sixth Transatlantic Summit organized by the Political Network for Values, a platform run by political leaders who claim to “defend universal human rights, particularly regarding the protection of life, family, and fundamental freedoms”, according to their own description. In practice, it is an organization that brings together reactionary politicians such as José Antonio Kast from Chile, Enikő Győri from Hungary, Lola Velarde from Spain, and others.
The far right’s appropriation of the concept of freedom is nothing new. While left-wing movements advocate for a society free from inequality, injustice, and authoritarian structures, the right misuses the notion of freedom to promote an ideology based on exploitation, oppression, and repression. That is why it is essential to expose the far right’s rhetoric and reveal who truly benefits from their version of “freedom”. As Albert Camus once said: “If someone deprives you of your bread, they are also robbing you of your freedom.”
Good Night, Far Right
The international struggle of left-wing movements is not only against the far right but also against the neoliberal system that sustains it. Reactionary forces must be defeated by strengthening a leftist program. It is not enough, for example, to temporarily contain the AfD in Germany by simultaneously strengthening the Christian Democrats (CDU) — a party that is increasingly adopting far-right’s rhetoric and policies. We want to break out of this dilemma: it is an illusion to believe that the “centre” (which brought us here in the first place with its austerity policies and neoliberal measures) will save us.
We also do not believe that the far right can be fought solely at the institutional level, without organizing grassroots changes that influence our political culture. The fight against fascism in parliament is essential, but now more than ever, we must strengthen the fight on the streets and build a new hegemony from below; a convinced social majority that is ready to drive structural transformations that radically change how the state is governed and demand and implement fair economic policies for the majority.
With these goals in mind, we will meet in Berlin from 27 to 30 March 27 2025 with political actors from various countries who are all currently combating the rise of the far right. We aim to analyse the reasons behind this phenomenon together. However, we won’t stop there. We want to discuss concrete paths and strategies to turn the tide. We do not just want to fight against the right; we want to fight for a just and peaceful society.
Now is the time to move beyond defensiveness, overcome leftist melancholy, break free from pessimism, and offer society concrete alternatives that address the real problems of the working class. We must counter capitalism’s hegemony, the new power of techno-feudalism, and the reactionary discourses and practices that are corroding our societies from within.
To achieve this, society needs a Left that is present, not just in election campaigns but in people’s daily lives. A Left that strengthens social movements, connects with unions, the climate movement, and migrant organizations to lead collective struggles—in workplaces, neighborhoods, universities, and youth centres. The far right spreads fake news and exploits social media to spread fear — we must counter this with a communication strategy that combines facts with hope, refuses to cede digital spaces to the right, and defends historical memory against revisionism. The fight against the climate crisis and war is inseparable from the fight for social justice and democracy. An internationalist Left must therefore build cross-border solidarity to offer a real alternative to the global surge of the far right.
Another world is possible — a world where people, not profits, are at the centre. Where housing is not a commodity but a right for all. Where work does not exploit but enables a good life. Where education, healthcare, and social security are not privileges but basic rights. Where climate protection is not sacrificed at the expense of corporate interests but recognized as a core principle of social justice. Where peace is not just a word but a lived political reality — against militarization and the logic of war, for international solidarity.
All of this is not just a utopian dream but a tangible alternative, achievable through collective struggle. Everywhere where people organize, fight for better conditions, and explore new paths, this other world is already becoming real. Now is the time to channel discontent and steer it toward the left, revolutionize the way we engage with society, and adapt leftist visions to the present reality. Only in this way can we bid the far right “good night” and usher in a new dawn for the Left.
Translated by Lance Bradley.