In the recent German federal elections, Die Linke won almost 9 percent of the vote, an excellent result which has guaranteed it a parliamentary group in the Bundestag for the first time in years. The party made a striking comeback over a very short period. In the elections to the European Parliament, Die Linke had remained marginal, prompting opinion polls to ignore it altogether. Only a few weeks ago, almost everyone considered it nearly impossible for the party to re-enter parliament.
Heinz Bierbaum is Chair of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation’s Executive Board.
Michael Brie is a social philosopher and member of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation.
Several decisive factors paved the way for the party’s surprise comeback: a new leadership team that helped develop an effective strategic foundation, a modicum of trust built between the party’s leadership and those it promises to represent (established above all by approaching constituents in a door-to-door campaign and listening to their concerns), and a clear commitment to the most pressing social issues. However, electoral success is not the Die Linke’s ultimate goal, but merely the jumping-off point for rebuilding the party and reorienting its overall strategy. The large number of new members is undoubtedly a source of encouragement, but it is also a challenge. The party must position itself in relation to the other parties in the German parliament and face up to new economic, social, and political challenges.
Die Linke’s new strategy must address the broader political situation in Germany, which is characterized by the reorganization of the party system and geopolitical upheavals. The fact that the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) under Friedrich Merz and the Free Democrats (FDP) attempted to work together with the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) to form a majority in the Bundestag for the first time demonstrates that the liberal bloc — for over two decades shaped by the CDU/CSU, Social Democrats (SPD), Greens and FDP — is disintegrating. Although Merz tried to backpedal by ruling out any coalition with the AfD, his willingness to cooperate even with the far right remains. The vast majority of his party supports him in this endeavor.
The Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) was also prepared to vote together with the AfD, justifying this decision by claiming that their votes are determined not by party lines, but only the issues being voted upon. This is not only a weak argument, but also more than questionable politically, since it demonstrates a willingness to offer the extreme Right a political platform. In any case, the BSW marginalized itself politically with its insistence on ignoring key issues such as migration and the environment, both of which pose challenges to the economy. That said, the party’s commitment to peace is commendable. The fact that the BSW failed to enter the Bundestag was a wake-up call for its members. With Wagenknecht unlikely to remain at the helm, the party is expected to lose much of its political weight.
Faced with both a radical shake-up of the domestic balance of forces and the challenge of responding to looming shifts in the international order, Die Linke must rebuild.
Both the rise of the AfD and the weakening of centrist parties show that Germany is now experiencing what has long been the case in other EU countries. We need only to look at France, where the far right is growing rapidly and republican forces are in decline. At the same time, however, there is a very contradictory process underway in which left-wing forces are gaining ground.
Die Linke must address the splintering of the liberal bloc. Angela Merkel’s 16 years as chancellor witnessed both the apex and decline of the liberal bloc in German politics, dubbed the party cartel of the “democratic center”. The traffic light coalition government, which started out as a progressive force, has once again reduced itself to merely managing this decline. The underlying social currents driven by an effete neoliberalism and a deep structural crisis in the global transformation of competition are tearing this center apart. The global rise of a new, self-confident and market-oriented right with a nationalist orientation and fascist elements is the result of all this. Conservatives are increasingly adopting the programme of these new right-wing forces in a last-ditch effort to consolidate their supposed hegemony.
The attempt at a joint vote by conservative and far-right forces, supported by the FDP, sparked large-scale protests. Hundreds of thousands have recently taken to the streets across Germany calling for the defense of democracy behind the slogan “We are the firewall”. Such a broad coalition, supported by social movements and trade unions in particular, is welcome and encouraging. But it is insufficient. Although these protests have had a strong impact on politics and contributed to the return of Die Linke, many, especially young people, have only joined to stem the rise of the extreme right.
A political perspective that goes beyond protest is necessary. The popularity of the Right is largely attributable to widespread dissatisfaction with the prevailing political system, which is incapable of offering viable solutions to the most pressing political issues, such as the rising cost of living, the mounting climate crisis, the economic recession, security fears, and the threat of war. It is therefore necessary to combine protests with a different set of policies that address these fundamental concerns.
Three Elements of Effectiveness
Social-liberal and liberal-ecological forces are ineffectual and have no convincing agenda. The SPD received just 16.4% of the vote in the federal elections, a historic low. The Greens ended up with a disappointing 11.6%. The FDP failed. They must renew their image or perish.
With its outstanding success, Die Linke can fulfil a key political role in this situation, comprising three elements: a special emphasis on the social concerns of the vast majority of the working population, the development of a comprehensive approach to social and ecological transformation based on overcoming capitalism, and the socialist perspective that underlies these. In this way, Die Linke would be a socialist party taking its impetus from society itself, both as a local force tackling people’s everyday problems, and a party of radical transformation tackling questions of property relations — whether in the field of housing, energy, or production.
The second dynamic Die Linke must address is the current geopolitical transformation in which Germany and the EU find themselves embroiled. Recent declarations by the United States have made it clear that the US is no longer a reliable guardian of the EU and is now wholly focused on pursuing its own vested interests. The unipolar era in world history inaugurated by the end of the Cold War has come to an end, and with it the unconditional commitment to the United States that had defined (West) German policy since 1949. These facts hold true, even if the ruling forces disavow them and react with bewilderment.
As US Secretary of State Marco Rubio made clear, European subordination to US hegemony, which intensified after 1990, particularly with regard to security — but also in terms of financial capitalism — is dead and gone with Trump’s re-election. The US only has one interest these days: itself. Trump’s plans to end the war in Ukraine by striking a deal with Putin without consulting Ukraine or the EU reinforce this message. The EU and Germany are bearing the consequences. Vassalage to the US has prevented a truly independent European strategy from emerging. In light of recent events, there has been a rather frantic attempt to come up with a joint policy, but unfortunately, the policy being developed is – calamitously – tending towards militarization instead of promoting collective security through disarmament and international cooperation.
Die Linke must address this situation. The risks associated with inter-imperialist conflicts and wars are growing, and so is the need to work for collective security in Europe and the neighbouring regions. The time has come to finally take an unequivocal stance on the war in Ukraine and to provide an in-depth analysis. We agree that Russia’s attack violates international law and must be condemned. However, it is obvious that the war was the result of misguided agenda in 2014 and 2022 and has transformed into a proxy war. For this reason, it must be assessed in the context of the struggle for global hegemony.
It will be necessary to rebuild the party, whose membership has nearly doubled in recent months, into a vibrant, socially responsible party that offers everyday help to people locally and promotes a strategic political programme with concrete answers.
Die Linke must actively oppose relentless militarization at both a national and European level. Rather than focusing on militarization, it is of paramount importance that the party figure out a way to combine a concept of overarching security with proactive support for the victims of wars, displacement, and environmental disasters. Die Linke must not shy away from taking a stance on issues such as military security and controlled migration if it aims to be a viable representative of a humane politics based on principles of solidarity. In this era of renewed militarism and exclusion, the party must develop convincing alternatives.
Faced with both a radical shake-up of the domestic balance of forces and the challenge of responding to looming shifts in the international order, Die Linke must rebuild. Firstly, the basic programmatic consensus on the party’s foundations must be refined, rather than completely redrawn, on the basis of the issues outlined here. This should be tackled immediately. Secondly, it must use this basis to establish strategic clarity and a strong consensus among members that safeguards the party’s unity as well as its ability to credibly confront the contradictions of left-wing politics — rather than dodge them with vapid rhetoric.
Thirdly, and perhaps most importantly, it will be necessary to rebuild the party, whose membership has nearly doubled in recent months, into a vibrant, socially responsible party that offers everyday help to people locally and promotes a strategic political programme with concrete answers. The remarkable revival of the party seen during the election campaign is certainly also due to the door-to-door campaign that went out of its way to ask people about their concerns and needs. This lent a practical dimension to the party’s focus on class. The outstanding election result is a promising starting point for a reinvigorated and politically effective Left. It also strengthens the Left at the European level.
This article first appeared in nd.Aktuell. Translated by Hunter Bolin and Chris Fenwick for Gegensatz Translation Collective