One million people marched across France on 18 September 2025 in response to a joint call from unions and the Bloquons Tout (Block Everything) movement. From the early morning, hundreds of grassroots initiatives joined picket lines following weeks of self-organized general assemblies. This second day of mobilization — coming after the protests on 10 September that drew 500,000 participants — confirmed both the scale and the radical nature of the emerging movement.
Anaïs Fley is a Paris-based transform! europe facilitator focusing on the electoral success of the far right, and co-president of nosrevolutions.fr.
While the call to action has resonated widely, the question of what comes next remains open. For now, the movement is relying on left-wing politicized youth, the country’s most powerful union federations, and established social movement networks, now being expanded through general assemblies. The working class has yet to take to the streets en masse, but in the context of a crisis of government, escalating strikes and protests are a credible prospect.
Finding a Way Forward
France has experienced a decade of large-scale and remarkably persistent social mobilizations. Under François Hollande and during Macron’s first term (2014–2022), popular opposition to government projects multiplied: against the Valls government’s labour law, Macron’s executive orders, the privatization of the SNCF railway company, and assorted repressive security laws. Despite the strength of these mobilizations — including movements like that of the Gilets Jaunes (Yellow Vests) in 2018–2019 — these struggles all hit the wall of an unyielding executive backed by solid parliamentary majorities.
The 2022 presidential election marked a turning point. Although the deeply unpopular Macron was re-elected to prevent Marine Le Pen from winning, the subsequent legislative elections reshuffled the deck. Three blocs emerged: the centrist bloc, the far right, and the new left-wing alliance, NUPES, united on the basis of its radical wing around La France insoumise (LFI). Deprived of an absolute majority, Macron repeatedly resorted to Article 49.3 of the Constitution, which allows the government to pass laws without debate or a parliamentary vote, provided no censure motion is carried. Under his first prime minister, Élisabeth Borne, this constitutional tool was used 23 times, provoking a democratic crisis.
The movement that began on 10 September is the result of an accumulation of outrage, antisocial reforms, police violence, and escalating class contempt.
The 2024 European elections accelerated the rupture. Already in the minority and thus governing against the popular will for two years, Macron only dissolved the National Assembly after the far-right National Rally (RN) won 31.37 percent of the vote. That same evening, the most mobilized segments of the working class — who have learned how to unite in recent years — called for a new “popular front” to take over the government.
Encouraged by this momentum, leaders from LFI, the French Communist Party (PCF), the Greens (EELV), and the Socialist Party (PS) signed an agreement to secure a majority and formed the New Popular Front (NFP). However, these negotiations were not made public, and the alliance, broadening from the radical Left and into the centre — including liberal figures like Raphaël Glucksmann and François Hollande — prioritized blocking the RN over radical change.
The NFP won the legislative elections, but without a sustained popular mobilization it was easy for Macron to refuse to appoint a left-wing prime minister. He chose Michel Barnier, then François Bayrou — both on the right, and both of whom were ousted by censure motions. In the summer of 2025, Bayrou’s budget proposals — cutting public holidays, dismantling public services, and continuing pension reform — further fuelled public anger.
The call to shut down the country, launched just before the summer holidays, now seems to be gaining traction nationwide. Throughout the summer, discussions tended to fixate on the reopening of parliament in September, which some viewed with hope and others with dread. While the protests have been large, after two weeks of mobilization the country has not yet been brought to a standstill. Nevertheless, France in September 2025 is not facing a passing crisis. Indeed, this is a deeper crisis, borne of a capitalism on its last legs that is unable to meet the basic needs of the population. Fewer and fewer people want or believe in the system.
The Narrative of “Economic Necessity” No Longer Holds
For decades, the French bourgeoisie has justified increasingly harsh austerity policies by claiming that France is living “beyond its means”. In reality, the issue is not the level of public spending (46 percent of GDP, i.e., at the European average), but its distribution: 211 billion euro annually in corporate subsidies (tax credits, exemptions) and 62 billion euro in debt interest (often paid to private funds) — 273 billion euro wasted annually on capital, compared with 150 billion euro for pensions and 100 billion for education. Tax fraud (80–100 billion euro per year) and superprofits evasion (CAC 40) are massively depriving the state of revenue, while the richest 1 percent own 25 percent of the wealth — the highest proportion since 1900.
There are, in fact, many ways to fund the budget more fairly: defaulting on debts incurred to bail out banks, taxing capitalists in line with their profits, or redirecting the 211 billion euro in corporate aid towards ecological transition and public services. The “crisis” is not fiscal but political: a class choice.
The New Popular Front parties have different positions on this situation. Jean-Luc Mélenchon says public debt is not a technical issue but a political tool serving the rich: prioritizing its repayment starves the state of resources for public services, while tax giveaways to corporations and fraud by the ultra-rich artificially deepen the deficit. He proposes a citizen audit of the debt, cancelling the illegitimate portion (contracted to bail out banks or fund antisocial policies), and taxing superprofits to restore social justice instead of sacrificing pensions or healthcare.
Across Europe, the gradual rise to power of the far right amidst a generalized crisis of democracy is forcing the Left to confront the urgency of the situation.
Meanwhile, after meeting with Bayrou before the censure of his government, Olivier Faure (PS) denounced “unsustainable public debt”, thereby aligning with economic liberalism, before adding that money should be taken “from those who have profited most over the past eight years under the president”, referring to the ultra-rich and the Zucman tax. Fabien Roussel (PCF) also criticized Bayrou’s focus on debt, acknowledging that the situation is “serious” but arguing that “they are responsible for this situation, by giving handouts to the rich”. A year ago, Marine Tondelier(EELV) similarly stated that the government had massively increased debt through tax cuts for the rich, also adopting the “unsustainable” debt narrative while blaming the wealthy.
The example of debt illustrates how the bourgeoisie frames political choices as economic necessities and presents its own political strategies as inevitabilities — even for the Left if it were to take power. The Bloquons Tout movement shows this narrative no longer holds: as capitalists unlock hundreds of billions for militarization and their profits soar, their claim that the coffers are empty is what becomes “unsustainable”. As protesters across France are chanting, “There is money — it’s in the bosses’ pockets!”
From the Mobilized Few to the Popular Many
The movement that began on 10 September is the result of an accumulation of outrage, antisocial reforms, police violence, and escalating class contempt, as well as growing unity among mobilized working-class groups, built on radical and identifiable foundations (unionists, Yellow Vests, activists against police violence, pro-Palestine movements, etc.). Early surveys sketch the movement’s composition. Compared to the Yellow Vests, whose profile was diverse and often apolitical, Bloquons Tout is driven by a younger, more urban, educated, and politicized left-wing base, primarily from the precarious working and lower-middle classes.
According to surveys of the movement’s Telegram and Facebook groups, 80 percent of participants are supporters of the radical left (LFI, the post-Trotskyist New Anticapitalist Party, anarchists, and radical ecologists), with over 39 percent aged 18–35. The movement has particularly strong roots in small- and medium-sized towns: 53 percent of respondents live in towns with populations between 2,000 and 99,999 (compared to 32 percent of the French population as a whole). This reflects the movement’s decentralized structure and is mirrored in its messaging networks. Precarious workers, students, and cultural workers are strongly represented, reflecting generational and class-based anger over precarity, inflation, and antisocial reforms.
Their engagement is primarily motivated by economic inequality (54 percent), protecting the environment (43 percent), and defending public services and institutions of social solidarity (healthcare, education, pensions), as well as a visceral rejection of Macron and the far right. The movement is far removed from the extreme Right: less than 5 percent of its members identify with the RN or Reconquête. Instead, radical ecology, antifascism, and antiracism are central values, with strong participation from activists in the Palestine solidarity, feminist, and climate justice movements.
While the movement emphasizes direct action (blockades, strikes, occupations), it differs from the Yellow Vests in its politicized roots: nearly 70 percent of participants say that they are very interested in politics, compared to just 19 percent of the general population. 27 percent of participants had been Yellow Vests, while 61 percent had at least supported the movement. Social media (Telegram, Facebook) play a key role in coordinating actions, but local general assemblies and political debates are central, revealing a commitment to direct democracy and collective decision-making.
The movement has sparked strong support in public opinion: at present, 63 percent of French people say that they support Bloquons Tout, as compared to the 72 percent who said they supported the Yellow Vests during the first mobilization in November 2018. The strongest support comes from sympathizers of La France insoumise (79 percent, down from 84 percent in 2018), the Greens (80 percent, up from 51 percent in 2018), and the Rassemblement National (77 percent, down from 91 percent in 2018), followed by the Socialist Party (69 percent, unchanged since 2018), non-partisan voters (56 percent, down from 73 percent in 2018), supporters of Les Républicains (50 percent, down from 75 percent in 2018), and finally, President Macron’s party (29 percent, unchanged since 2018).
When people begin to believe they can be agents of historic change and truly transform society, solidarity and struggle can prevail.
Several trends are confirmed: nearly two-thirds of French people support the mobilization against Macron, with mobilization particularly strong on the Left, although it enjoys broad backing across the social bases of all the political parties except for the presidential party — despite the still notable level of support from nearly a third of Macron’s voters. Such broad support for an explicitly radical movement, advocating a clear break with the current system and led by the militant Left, is remarkable — especially given the fierce media and government campaign to discredit it from the outset.
It is clear, then, that Bloquons Tout embodies a new generation of activists — younger, more politicized, and more radical than the Yellow Vests — solidly anchored in a left-wing anti-capitalism and deeply distrustful of institutions. The movement’s strength lies in the alliance between economic precarity and political consciousness, but a major challenge remains: expanding beyond already politicized circles to reach the most politically distant segments of the working class, and turning the passive majority into an active force in the social struggle.
The militant profile outlined by these first studies may shed light on why, for the time being and despite calls to “block everything”, day-to-day life continues. The primary concern of those participating in the movement was to assert their independence from political parties in order to convince the silent majority to take action. However, by 10 September, everyone could see two things: on the one hand, although the majority expressed support for the mobilization, it was not followed by broader action; on the other hand, in the absence of coordinated political leadership — whether from the radical Left or from general assemblies — it was difficult to know which direction to take or what to do next.
In such a context, the difficulties of daily life, the fear of repression, and pessimism concerning the possibility of a popular victory are difficult to overcome. It is essential that political parties, assemblies, or both come up with a credible radical strategy to break through the Macronist party’s alliance with the Right and far right. After decades of disappointment, if the working classes take action, it must be to really turn the tables, not waste their time. It’s up to the Left to measure up.
A Time for Choices
Across Europe, the gradual rise to power of the far right amidst a generalized crisis of democracy is forcing the Left to confront the urgency of the situation. Since the first Bloquons Tout general assemblies, the RN has been largely absent from the mobilization: no support for blockades, no participation in marches, no calls to amplify the struggle. Le Pen’s conviction for misusing public funds is not the reason for her silence — her base remains loyal in adversity.
The reason is a principle verified by history: popular mobilization undermines the far right. Voting for the far right is a selfish choice, defending narrow interests against a future that appears to threaten one’s individual livelihood. When collective mobilization is massive and its demands are credible, when it plants the idea that another future is possible, workers’ worldviews shift. When people begin to believe they can be agents of historic change and truly transform society, solidarity and struggle can prevail. The Yellow Vests movement already demonstrated this, shifting overwhelmingly to the l eft as it grew in size. The RN does not fear elections held in calm and order, but social revolution. That is why it is remaining silent.
The working classes will have to forge their own path, but the militant Left can help, if it is able to meet several challenges. First, it must match the radicalism of the mobilized working class, and break with the Fifth Republic in practice: i.e., convening a constituent assembly to redefine the rules of democracy in France and proclaim a new Republic. This new Republic is part of the NFP's programme, which already proposes strong political principles (elected representatives must be subject to popular recall, citizens must be directly involved in the legislative process), but does not claim to replace the constituent assembly in collectively developing what this Republic would actually look like.
In recent years, LFI has been the most consistent left-wing party in supporting this complete change of regime and in fuelling the radicalism of popular struggles, as seen in its solidarity with Palestine despite accusations of antisemitism and anti-republicanism from the bourgeoisie. In contrast, the PS was divided on these issues, absent from struggles, and joined in attacking LFI. On every issue raised by the working class, the militant Left must clearly identify points of rupture and publicly clarify each debate to demonstrate the reliability of its strategic positions.
Strategically, two main options seem to oppose each other within the Left. On one side, La France insoumise stands by its intention to fully break with the Fifth Republic, wagering on social mobilization to force Macron’s resignation or removal, call new presidential elections to implement the New Popular Front programme, and convene a constituent assembly. On the other side, the Socialist Party seeks negotiations with Macron and his prime ministers to secure budget improvements and ease the crisis without challenging the system. However, the French president has never engaged in credible negotiations, regardless of his government, and shows no signs of changing. Ultimately, Macron’s relentless defence of bourgeois interests may end up accelerating the downfall of the Fifth Republic, and sawing off the very branch they are sitting on.