The political crisis in Nepal intensified on 8 September 2025, with a series of countrywide protests waged by young protesters identifying as “Gen Z”, allegedly in response to a social media ban that had been imposed on 4 September. But as news reports suggest, this protest was actually about far more than issues related to social media, with more deep-seated issues of corruption and nepotism within the political class likely playing an even greater role.
Tauqueer Ali Sabri works as a project manager in the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation’s New Delhi Office.
At least 50 people lost their lives after police opened fire on the Gen Z-led demonstrations in Kathmandu and several other cities throughout Nepal. The parliament building, the Supreme Court, and the residences of several ministers were set ablaze, while the ministers themselves were publicly humiliated, pursued, and assaulted. In the wake of this unrest, Prime Minister K. P. Sharma Oli was compelled to tender his resignation on 9 September 2025. He had been leading a coalition government with his Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) in alliance with the Nepali Congress (NC). Oli, who has served as prime minister four times, stepped down in the face of mounting public and political pressure.
Boiling Over
The Gen Z uprising in Nepal emerged as a continuation of earlier movements, but with its own vision for a better future for the Nepali people. The uprising is itself writing a new chapter in the nation’s history — one that is resonating throughout South Asia, where protests against corruption, nepotism, and economic hardship led to political turmoil in Sri Lanka in 2022, Bangladesh in 2024, and now in the Himalayan nation.
The Nepali Army eventually managed to take charge and initiated several steps to re-establish peace and normalcy in the country. Chief of Army Staff General Ashok Raj Sigdel launched discussions with Gen Z representatives and other stakeholders regarding the formation of an interim government. These conversations encountered some delays when it came to finalizing the appointment of the interim PM, former Chief Justice Sushila Karki, as provisions in Nepal’s Constitution formally prohibit retired judges from occupying executive office. However, many pro-Gen Z groups argue that such restrictions are intended for everyday politics, not extraordinary situations.
In my opinion, in such a situation of systemic deadlock where parliamentary mechanisms are rendered ineffective, the executive authority has lost legitimacy, and the state is confronted with an existential crisis, it would have been impractical to adhere to the letter of the constitution. The constitutional order must be interpreted within the framework of its foundational purpose. A constitution, after all, is not intended to entrench dysfunction, but to safeguard the continuity of governance and to protect citizens’ rights and dignity as enshrined in the constitution.
Since 2015, Nepal has witnessed a carousel of eight successive governments in what has resembled a game of musical chairs played between the leaders of the three major parties.
On Friday, 12 September, former Chief Justice Sushila Karki assumed office as the interim prime minister of Nepal. Her appointment, which followed days of political deliberation and intense negotiations, marked a historic moment, as she became the first woman to head the country’s government. In the aftermath of the inauguration ceremony, President Ram Chandra Poudel announced that elections would be held for the House of Representatives on 5 March 2026. The dissolution of the House came soon after Ms. Karki had been sworn in as prime minister of an interim cabinet. Despite fears of constitutional collapse, the framework has endured for the time being with presidential backing, but the Nepal Bar Association has denounced the dissolution of the country’s parliament as unconstitutional, warning that it undermines democratic principles and public trust.
The Government of Nepal has now imposed a sweeping shutdown of 26 social media platforms, citing non-compliance with registration requirements newly introduced by the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology. This move by the government was neither well received nor well understood by the people. On the contrary, the ban appeared to reflect authoritarian tendencies aimed at curtailing individual freedoms and suppressing criticism of the government. In the modern era, social media has become an integral part of everyday life, not only for individuals, but also serving as a driver of the new economy and as a means for families back in Nepal to reach their loved ones outside of the country. Students and young online influencers depend on social media platforms for their livelihood, education, political or social expression, and to connect with friends and family.
Disillusionment Is Rife
Since 2015, Nepal has witnessed a carousel of eight successive governments in what has resembled a game of musical chairs played between the leaders of the three major parties. These leaders, KP Sharma Oli of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre), and Sher Bahadur of the Nepali Congress (Deuba) have also dominated their respective party structures. As a result, frustration has been mounting among the people of Nepal, who increasingly feel excluded from the country’s systems of governance and marginalized by its elite power politics.
Issues such as joblessness, rising prices, corruption, and nepotism have become a looming reality in the country. Disenchantment with the political leadership has been evident for quite some time. Mahesh, a taxi driver in Kathmandu, shared that “most of us are not very happy with the political leaders and the way they are governing the country”. I could see this frustration in many of the people I communicated with during my travels. The sense of disillusionment with the country’s political parties seemed to be most pronounced in people who had believed in or supported the Maoist revolution of 2006. Nepal’s Left suffers from a lack of sound principles and ideals, with even mainstream Communist parties drifting away from their ideological roots in spite of their rhetoric.
Historically, however, revolutionary forces like the Jhapa rebellion and the Maoist revolution played a key role in weakening feudal political power systems. According to Dr. Khagendra Prasai, who heads a Kathmandu-based think tank, “It is necessary to understand all this in the context of a changing world order and geopolitical landscape which, on the one hand, provides substantive opportunities for a country like Nepal and on the other pushes them into extreme vulnerability and precariousness. If things are not corrected by democratic forces, Nepal is likely to be headed towards severe crisis.”
The uprising in Nepal reflects a revolutionary demand for a genuine republic and to address systemic poverty beyond mere electoral democracy.
In the course of conversation, several people voiced the belief that all political parties and leaders in the country were dishonest and that the potential alternatives included either a return to the monarchy or a new kind of party such as the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP). Similar to the Aam Aadmi Party in India, which also emerged out of an anti-corruption movement in 2011, the RSP has not declared a clear ideological position. The Rastriya Swatantra Party gained popularity in Nepal’s last general election in 2022, receiving 12.19 per cent of the total vote and becoming the fourth-largest party in the parliament. However, these signals were not received or were ignored by the mainstream left-wing forces in Nepal as a sign to take corrective steps.
Pro-monarchy groups have been active on the streets of Kathmandu since 19 February 2025. Former King Gyanendra Shah used a Revolution Day address to criticize political instability and corruption, urging unity and sacrifice. His remarks, which were construed by some as hinting at a monarchist revival, sparked increased pro-monarchy protests and activism.
Nepal has witnessed pro-monarchy protests that have been increasingly shaped by Hindu right-wing ideology, influenced by India’s Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the governing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). This trend has fuelled social polarization and discrimination against minorities. Although recently, former Indian Ambassador to Nepal Ranjit Rae said in an interview with Frontline magazine that “Hindutva organisations have been active in Nepal for several decades: this is not a new development.”
As per Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Report from 2024, Nepal is ranked 107 out of 180 countries. Nepal’s economy is markedly dependent on remittances, which in 2024 constituted nearly one third of its gross domestic product (GDP). According to the World Bank, an estimated 82 per cent of Nepal’s labour force is engaged in informal employment. This structural dependence on remittances has failed to generate adequate quality employment within the country, reinforcing a cycle of limited domestic opportunities and sustained outmigration in pursuit of work.
Each year, approximately half a million young people enter Nepal’s labour market, further heightening the urgency of creating employment avenues that align with the objectives of sustainable development. Nepal’s youth population, which is officially defined as individuals between the ages of 16 and 40 years, accounts for nearly 43 per cent of the national population — more than 12 million of the country’s 30 million citizens.
Whose Backyard?
The recent crisis in Nepal is being closely monitored by the international community, as well as by its immediate neighbours, India and China. Historically, Nepal has had difficult relations with India, with whom it shares deep cultural, economic, and political bonds. As per the Nepal Rastra Bank, in mid-July 2023, Nepal had attracted Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from 58 countries. India held the largest share of all FDI stock, totalling 103.5 billion Indian rupees (nearly 1 billion euro), followed by China with 35.5 billion rupees (roughly 340 million euro).
China is also investing in an effort to expand its influence in the Kathmandu Valley; its partnership with Nepal within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was the most highly discussed topic when former PM Oli visited China in December 2024. Both India and China are seeking to gain disproportionate leverage in Kathmandu. The USs has become active in Nepal, framing its engagement in terms of aid and diplomatic support for establishing institutions in the county. Initiatives such as the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), are part of a wider Indo-Pacific strategy aimed at countering China’s growing footprint in the region. So, Nepal’s domestic turmoil has both regional and global significance, as its political trajectory is shaped by and impacts the broader contest among major global powers.
The character of the Gen Z protests in Nepal is not homogeneous. Youth from all walks of life have entered this struggle.
The international community has extended its support to Nepal’s newly formed interim government. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi congratulated the new Nepali Prime Minister Sushila Karki via a public post on X, affirming that “India remains committed to Nepal’s progress”. Similarly, on 14 September, a spokesperson for China’s Foreign Ministry reiterated that “China, as always, respects the development path independently chosen by the Nepali people. We are prepared to uphold the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, deepen exchanges and cooperation across various sectors, and further strengthen bilateral relations.” The United States also welcomed Nepal’s peaceful transition, pledging close cooperation with the interim administration.
Revolutionary Rehearsals
In Nepal’s modern political history, there have been multiple cycles of revolution and counter-revolution. The very first student-led democratic movement managed to oust the Rana Oligarchy from the seat of power and restore a constitutional monarchy. In the first general election of 1959, Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala of the Nepali Congress party became prime minister; however, one year later, King Bir Bikram dismissed the Koirala government with the help of the ruling elites and imposed the panchayat system, a party-less system that governed Nepal for almost 30 years.
A new wave of mass protests began in 1990 and came to be known as the Jana Andolan, when the people of Nepal forced King Birendra to accept a constitutional monarchy with a multi-party democracy. This was then followed between 1996 and 2006 by the “people’s war”, which sought to effect revolutionary change in Nepal’s political, social, and economic order, and was waged against the monarchy, feudal, elite supremacy and in favour of a people’s republic based on the principle of equality. Its purpose was to restructure the state through federalism, land reform, and the empowerment of historically marginalized groups such as the Dalits, Janjati (Indigenous peoples), Madhesis (several ethic groups in the Terai region), and women. At its core, the movement framed itself as a struggle against the domination of the elites, caste oppression, and external dependency. The “people’s war” culminated in 2008 with the abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of a republic. This marked a successful revolution and the most transformative political rupture in modern Nepali history.
However, once the movement’s leaders in Nepal joined the ruling class, their revolutionary spirit faded. Their self-interest and pursuit of power overshadowed the genuine grievances of the masses. The failure of leftist politics in Nepal is ideologically motivated; the Left failed its ethics because the country’s Communist parties abandoned their Marxist-Leninist principles, opting instead to pivot towards parliamentary opportunism, corruption, and sharing power with the nation’s elites. They even formed alliances with the main opposition party, the Nepali Congress, merely in a bid to remain in power. The Left was unable to address the realities of caste and ethnicity. There has also been a gulf between revolutionary promises and their implementation. Once the Left came to power, it largely reproduced the old system of governance and failed to establish a transformative new leadership.
The uprising in Nepal reflects a revolutionary demand for a genuine republic and to address systemic poverty beyond mere electoral democracy. But the left-wing parties failed to practice social-democratic norms in conjunction with the mass movements being waged on the ground.
To ensure this Gen Z revolution is effective on the ground, Nepal will be required to rewire its system to make its constitution more practical for the broader population.
The character of the Gen Z protests in Nepal is not homogeneous. Youth from all walks of life have entered this struggle: Gen Z from privileged backgrounds, Indigenous communities, Dalit groups, Muslims, youth from Madhesh Pradesh, and other marginalized groups. Almost all the protesters have directed their anger towards senior political figures in the country. Among those who showed solidarity with the Gen Z demonstrators are Balen Shah, the mayor of Kathmandu, and Sudhan Gurung, director of the NGO Hami Nepal. Hampi Nepal is a youth-led non-profit organization established in 2015 in the aftermath of the devastating earthquake that struck the country, where it played a vital role in delivering relief and forging a direct link between donors and recipients. After that, it became an entry point for people looking to join the movement.
Interim PM Sushila Karki has already inducted three ministers, all of whom are from non-political backgrounds: Finance Minister Rameshore Khanal, Energy Minister Kulman Ghising, and Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal. She is currently dedicating her efforts to putting Nepal’s system of governance back on track. This mammoth task is on her shoulders alone, as the interim government has inherited a deeply fractured political and social structure, in which everyone will inevitably have their own grievances. The government currently faces three challenges:
- Its immediate task will be to restore stability and reboot the government system, as reports suggest that more than 300 local- and federal-level offices were set on fire, and official documents and facilities were destroyed. The authorities will have to reinstate the offices in their former fully fledged function.
- Engaging with all stakeholders to rebuild public trust in institutions will be essential, as confidence has largely been eroded by corruption and nepotism. Dialogue with Gen Z and other stakeholders should continue, and the government should establish mechanisms to ensure inclusivity and representation at different levels. It will also need to respond to a generation of young protesters whose anger is rooted in unemployment, inequality, and the sense that they have been betrayed by a political system that has failed to deliver on its democratic promise.
- Conducting elections in March 2026 will be a monumental undertaking for this interim government, which already faces fragile systems; at the same time, the country’s main political parties will have their own survival strategies. The best way forward would be to take every one into confidence, including political parties, through dialogue for structural changes in the county to counter corruption and organize future elections.
To ensure this Gen Z revolution is effective on the ground, Nepal will be required to rewire its system to make its constitution more practical for the broader population of the country, and at the same time build a stronger democracy and make public institutions work for the people. In her recent interview with BBC News Nepali, Prime Minister Sushila Karki articulated her commitment to and vision for a better and more inclusive Nepal. She also stated her intention to induct ministers from the Janjati (Indigenous peoples), Dalits, women, and backward castes and articulated a vision for the next six months that would involve a new political order grounded in the principles of federalism, inclusion, democracy, and republicanism as they are enshrined in Nepal’s constitution.