The Long Arm of the Dictatorship

Over the last year, conflicts surrounding so-called “Eritrea Festivals” organized by the Eritrean diaspora in Germany, most recently in Gießen or in Stockholm, have made headlines in the country. Organized by the Eritrean military dictatorship for its supporters abroad, violence and political controversy have dogged the festivals, with some calling for them to be banned.

Yet, far too little is known about the background of these conflicts, even within the Eritrean community itself. Although Germany is home to over 80,000 Eritreans, few people in Germany are familiar with their story.

To learn more about the politics of the Eritrean community in Germany and how Eritreans abroad view the regime back home, the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation’s jenny Ouédraogo spoke with Jonas Berhe, a trade unionist at IG Metall and a founding member of the United4Eritrea network.

What does the United4Eritrea network do?

United4Eritrea has existed throughout Germany for twelve years. Our original aim was to contribute to bringing about a peaceful, democratic transformation in Eritrea. We organize events, publish texts, and maintain an active social media presence.

When we started the project twelve years ago, we sensed that many people in exile were unaware of the situation in their homeland, and we know that what happens in Germany has a political and economic impact on Eritrea. We focus on educating and empowering second and third generation immigrants, who we want to get involved in exerting political pressure. On top of that, we also work extensively with refugees and offer conventional forms of support, such as translation assistance.

How much resonance do oppositional diaspora organizations like United4Eritrea have?

When we were first founded, our perspective was truly novel. Up until then, people primarily pursued conventional exile politics or political party work, and many people were simply complacent about the mainstream military regime.

That’s exactly what we wanted to change. We wanted to do political work that exceeded that of the parties of our parents’ generation. This appealed to many, especially since we reached new people through media work and journalism.

The regime never fulfilled the promise of the liberation struggle.

In the wake of the surge of refugees in recent years, the range of activism that opposes the military regime has expanded significantly. Those who have come to Germany in the last 5 to 15 years have organized themselves politically and found their own voice. As a result, on top of the party work of their parents’ generation, there are now more social movements and oppositional networks mobilizing people via social media, as well as through independent news and television outlets.

Many young people flee the Eritrean regime to countries like Germany. What exactly makes this regime so problematic?

The regime never fulfilled the promise of the liberation struggle from 1961 and 1991, namely liberation from dictatorial Ethiopian rule. Instead, it was replaced by dictatorial rule imposed by Eritreans themselves.

In the immediate aftermath of Eritrean independence, there was both freedom of expression and freedom of the press, along with a wide network of media outlets. Students got involved in political events. In 2001, after a wave of arrests that also affected high-ranking politicians, civil servants, and as a result students, opposition media sources were banned. On top of that, the military regime resorted to brutal measures including the torture and imprisonment of opposition members.

The main reason people flee Eritrea is that the political and economic situation in the country is hopeless. This hopelessness is rooted in the military regime, under which every educational path ultimately leads to indefinite military service. Young people must be prepared to serve in the military for 10, 15, 20 years, sometimes even longer, and remain in the reserves for life. This total lack of prospects is causing many people to flee Eritrea.

Paradoxically, there are also many government supporters among Eritreans living in Germany. Why is this the case?

Those who were born or raised here in Germany have a completely artificial idea of what is going on in Eritrea. They are often incapable of understanding that people who are currently fleeing Eritrea not only have good reasons for doing so but are also in need of support.

Although they know that the situation in Eritrea is difficult, they blame this situation on the conflicts with certain neighbouring countries. They also keep finding new reasons why democratic structures are unnecessary –– from an alleged instrumentalization of democracy by the West to the absurd accusation that standing up for self-determination amounts to agreeing to a common cause with imperialist forces.

People who live in Germany and support the dictatorship are, on the one hand, too far removed from the political reality in Eritrea and, on the other, indoctrinated. They refuse to let go of the delusion that the 30-year struggle created a good, peaceful situation. They don’t want to see that much of what was fought for then, in the 30-year struggle with Ethiopia, was in vain because it was never implemented.

It is a complex situation that requires first and foremost that people admit that much of what was fought for was never realized. It would also require that people get politicized –– in view of the many people who are currently fleeing –– and also support these people, which is obviously too much to ask for many.

Furthermore, the military dictatorship in Eritrea is well organized at the international level through various cultural associations, which did solidarity work at the time of the independence movement and have now been converted into support institutions for the current dictatorship.

Is the political division within the diaspora also a generational conflict?

At that time, the older generation was already engaged in oppositional politics. So, it’s not a generational conflict in the traditional sense, but rather a place-based conflict. While some live in relatively secure conditions outside the country, others live in a dictatorship characterized by exploitation and oppression. This affects people’s mindsets and, consequently, leads to a conflict between generations or people in different places.

Those who live in the West or elsewhere and experience racism, for example, often have a kind of imaginary image of Eritrea. And those who really experience life there are more likely to have an authentic image and resist it. That’s why the community is divided between those who have been in Germany for a long time and idealize their homeland, and those who have just arrived, preferring to flee through the desert or across the Mediterranean Sea rather than endure life in Eritrea.

Let’s turn to the Eritrea festivals, which the German media has discussed at length in recent months. While some groups claim that they are purely cultural events, critics describe them as a platform for political propaganda. Can you shed some light?

Eritrean festivals are organized by the Central Council of Eritreans and affiliated associations, such as women’s and students’ associations. These events, which we oppose, platform the politics of the military regime.

Apart from the fact that some singers perform in a military style, some of the songs not only trivialize the last war against Tigray, but even celebrate it. High-ranking officials from Eritrea are flown in to generate a sense of authenticity and to stir up the atmosphere. And in the process, money is also raised for the homeland.

All too often, the police restrict the size of our oppositional demonstrations from the get-go, kettling participants and taking their personal information.

This shows that the festivals are much more than just cultural events. Those who attend are usually organized supporters or at least sympathizers of the dictatorship. We oppose these festivals because we believe that it is primarily the long arm of the dictatorship that is celebrating at them. This is a slap in the face, particularly for refugees who have fled from this type of political situation.

The festival is even taking place in a city like Giessen, where there is a reception facility for refugees — under the guise of civilian association activities. This is highly problematic.

At this year’s Eritrea Festival in Giessen, someone performed a song that called for the killing of people from Tigray. What are the connections between the festival and the glorification of violence against people from Tigray?

Because of the Ethiopian central government’s most recent war against Tigray, there is a direct connection. The Ethiopian military came under pressure because Tigray was heavily militarized, so it enlisted the help of the Eritrean military. Eritrea did so willingly, not least because of the border war that took place from 1998 to 2000, but most importantly because they had a score to settle with the Tigray region.

It is devastating to reflect on how many people have been killed in the recently resurgent war. All sides, not least Eritrea, have committed inconceivably brutal violations of human rights. Music is used as a cultural means of conveying the idea that the age-old enemy has been defeated and that the people who died allegedly had no right to their lives. The tragedies which played out in military conflicts on the ground reverberate through these songs. We cannot allow such songs to be sung in festival halls in this country, songs which celebrate such an image of humanity, and which call for extreme crimes to be committed. We have to defend ourselves against this.

How do you judge the coverage of Eritrea festivals in the German media?

We have been asked many times to contribute articles to various outlets or to arrange contacts. When journalists actually bother to talk to our contacts, I think their image of what’s really going on in Eritrea becomes clearer. Indeed, there were some good reports.

However, if you look at the bigger picture, most of the coverage was very one-dimensional and sensational. Often, readers were left with the same conclusion as Olaf Scholz, which he has sadly adopted for the title of an article for Der Spiegel: “We must finally deport on a large scale.”

On the one hand, Germany is a democratic country where refugees can organize freely and have a voice. On the other hand, all those who do so are lumped together and sometimes even defamed as terrorist organizations.

The Eritrea Festival has been held in Giessen since 2011. Why has there been more reporting on violent clashes recently?

There have been violent confrontations and protests in Giessen in the past, it’s actually nothing new. However, now a tipping point has been reached because the political configuration has shifted.

Until now, most dictatorship sympathizers and supporters were able to organize their demonstrations and activities undisturbed. But the amount of people who have fled the regime has reached a critical mass and their voices are growing louder. This includes the voices of those people who were politicized because they themselves have gone through hell due to torture, repression, military service as a result of the war in Tigray in which many had to participate themselves, and because of the experiences they had while crossing the Mediterranean Sea.

It is crucial look critically at the reality of the situation. What is going on? Why are people fleeing? Why are they organizing here? What is causing conflicts within the community?

Based on prior events, there were numerous indications that there was potential for conflict and that the corresponding cities and law enforcement agencies could have handled the situation differently. There was also no coverage of the fact that the long arm of the dictatorship broke up our counterdemonstrations and events and put pressure on opposition figures both at home and here in Germany. Sometimes I had the impression that all of this was knowingly accepted in order to pursue deportation policies and to respond with racist reflexes, as is so often the case when it comes to refugees organizing.

All too often, the police restrict the size of our oppositional demonstrations from the get-go, kettling participants and taking their personal information. This signals to demonstrators that “they over there” can continue to celebrate, while our legitimate protest against the dictatorship is nipped in the bud. In many instances, it is necessary to be critical of police strategies that are implemented during the demonstrations.

After the clashes at this year’s Eritrean festivals, there’s been an increase in public statements that internal Eritrean conflicts have no place in Germany. What do you think?

Of course, there is a connection between politics and these refugees. Not long ago, Gerhard Müller, then Federal Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development, flew to Eritrea and delivered development aid money. Of course, these funds were not put towards road construction, but instead, went straight to the military.

When refugees apply for asylum in Germany, they refer to the German Basic Law. It goes without saying that they are also allowed to express themselves freely here. So, it’s not that there’s a conflict which takes place in one place and is settled elsewhere, that’s not how politics works. Politics works where the people are!

On 20 October, demonstrators took to the streets in Berlin for peaceful Eritrea festivals. The crowd chanted slogans like “Violent criminals behind bars!” and “Stop the violence against the police.”

It is beyond bizarre that the pro-dictatorship movement is now taking to the streets with democratic means and messages. On the one hand, these people demonstrate for freedom of expression and for the right to organize themselves and their festivals, but on the other hand, they turn a blind eye to the fact that the same actions are forbidden on the streets in Eritrea. What’s absurd is that the very things these demonstrators demand for themselves, they deny to other people, whom they defame as traitors and economic refugees for fleeing Eritrea.

At the political level, it’s quite easy to unmask what is going on, their discourse is entirely ineffective. In the past, advocates of the Eritrean dictatorship who live in Germany have demanded that the way Eritrea is portrayed in Germany change because it allegedly does not correspond to reality, which amounts to an accusation of imperialism against the Western world. On the other hand, they are laying claim to basic democratic rights for themselves. The movement has reached a bizarre peak, and now it is dwindling.

How can left-wing movements in Germany get involved in the fight against dictatorship in Eritrea?

In my opinion, people are divided on this matter as well.

On the one hand, there is the anti-imperialist faction, which remains loyal to the dictatorship ideologically and discursively: its supporters believe that the mere fact that the Eritrean military dictatorship has not allowed any US bases in the country is a major achievement, and consequently the country should be praised highly without further discussion. They don’t care at all about what is actually happening there.

On the other hand, many people on the Left are trying to take a critical approach to the situation by doing refugee work, finding opportunities to provide support, and seeking out other avenues of political engagement — all from an oppositional perspective.

It’s important not to generalize, but at the same time, it is crucial look critically at the reality of the situation. What is going on? Why are people fleeing? Why are they organizing here? What is causing conflicts within the community?

It’s not enough to claim that the enemy of my enemy is my friend and then to use this as grounds for complacency when the Eritrean dictatorship starts travelling again and tries to make connections here in Germany. Taking up a nuanced perspective would allow us to separate cause and effect. Doing so would allow everyone to move forward.

Translated by Hunter Bolin and Eve Richens for Gegensatz Translation Collective.